Specifically, Davis had just named an Iraqi "defector" -- in reality a likely member of an elite Iraqi military intelligence clandestine operations unit sent by Hussein for Trojan Horse operations in the US -- as a very probably candidate for John Doe Two.
Soon after that fateful day in 1995, Al-Hussaini moved to Massachusetts and sought employment at the Boston Logan International Airport. In November 1997, four years before two planes were hijacked from that very airport on a deadly trek to incinerate the World Trade Center, the Iraqi national began suffering panic attacks about his airport job and sought psychiatric hospitalization. When his therapist asked why he was experiencing sudden and intense trepidation about working at Boston Logan, the patient replied, "If something happens there, I will be a suspect."
I later learned that during this same time frame, Al-Hussaini was residing with two former Iraqi Gulf War veterans who provided food-catering services to the commercial airlines at the Boston airport. In the wake of the suicide hijackings of 2001, law enforcement speculated that food services workers might have planted box cutters aboard the doomed flights. Hussain Al-Hussaini's uncanny foreknowledge of a possible event slated to take place at Boston Logan Airport, the point of origin for Al-Qaeda's murderous rampage of 2001, just grazes the surface of the disturbing nexus I have uncovered between 4-19 and 9-11.
The case for Middle Eastern complicity that I have outlined, thus far, centers primarily upon Timothy McVeigh's collaboration with men whom witnesses described as Iraqi intelligence agents. However, I have also uncovered strong indicators of an Al-Qaeda component to the Oklahoma bombing. I outline in my book, The Third Terrorist, compelling evidence that McVeigh's defense team developed which suggested Terry Nichols might have received bomb making expertise from Al-Qaeda operatives based in the Philippines.
We know that the small-time Kansas farmer of modest means took frequent and unexplained trips to the South Pacific islands, many times without his Filipino mail order bride. The court record revealed that the Oklahoma City bomber was in Cebu City in December 1994 at the same time as the mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center attack, Ramzi Yousef. Did these two men cross paths? According to the sworn statement of the co-founder of the Muslim terrorist group Abu Sayyaf, a spin-off chapter of Al-Qaeda, Nichols and Yousef did, indeed, meet in the early 1990's to discuss bomb making.
Richard Clarke, President Bill Clinton's former terrorism czar, disclosed in his book, Against All Enemies, that the FBI "could never disprove" the theory that Terry Nichols learned the macabre genius of terrorist bomb construction under the tutelage of the Al-Qaeda lieutenant, Ramzi Yousef. Clarke writes, "We do know that Nichols' bombs did not work before his Philippine stay and were deadly when he returned."
Phone records reveal that Nichols received and placed a slew of calls to a boarding house in Cebu City, which according to McVeigh's defense lawyers, sheltered students from a local university known for Islamic militancy. Additionally, Nichols and McVeigh used a phone debit card to make a series of cryptic calls to untraceable numbers and pay phones in the Philippines from pay phones in Kansas in an apparent effort to cover their tracks. Why? That question has never been addressed or answered by the Department of Justice.
This connection was addressed in this series going all the way back to Part 1. It should be noted that Congressman Rohrabacher's report, which we reviewed beginning in Part 1, mentioned Jayna Davis' work -- Davis did the original digging on this one.
So the issue is before us -- indeed, quite a case is made -- that there may well have been both an Iraqi connection and an Al Qaeda connection to the Oklahoma City bombing, even though our government has us believe it was a case of domestic terrorism.
Is there any government documentation that could substantiate the idea that the plot was larger than our government has led us to believe?
Well, to some extent, we may never know the answer to that. However, shortly before McVeigh was to be executed, news broke that a great many documents pertinent to his case had never been turned over to his defense. This resulted in a Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General (DOJ/OIG) investigation. In the report, An Investigation of the Belated Production of Documents in the Oklahoma City Bombing Case, Chapter 3: Analysis of the Causes for the Belated Production of Discoverable Items, is found the following (see original regarding footnotes):
2. Defense Exhibit 10
Defense Exhibit 10 is a 2-paragraph insert dated April 24, 1995, from the Colorado Springs Resident Agency relaying information from a confidential informant that a prison inmate had information that someone other than McVeigh and Nichols was involved in the bombing. The former agent who drafted the insert told the OIG that he believed he would have followed normal procedure, which was to send the original to the confidential source file in Denver, the Headquarters City for the Denver Division, and a copy to the OKBOMB Auxiliary Office file, also located in Denver. He could not recall who in the office was responsible for sending information to the OKBOMB Task Force. He stated that he knew that "everything" was supposed to be sent to the OKBOMB Task Force, and he had no explanation for why this particular insert had not been sent.
3. Defense Exhibit 11
Defense Exhibit 11 is a 1-page insert provided by the Kansas City Field Office. In the insert, a confidential informant provided information on October 10, 1997, about individuals other than McVeigh and Nichols who the informant described "as persons behind the scenes of the Oklahoma City bombing." The defense stated that it never received this information during the trial.53 Kansas City located this document as part of the second wave after receiving a telephone call from FBI Headquarters on May 16, 2001, directing Kansas City to provide all informant serials bearing the Oklahoma City case number. The FD-209 contains the OKBOMB case number and a 266G-0 number, which is Kansas City's domestic terrorism miscellaneous file.54
How many more such leads did the government investigators have?
Regardless, why was this information not passed to McVeigh's defense?
From An Investigation of the Belated Production of Documents in the Oklahoma City Bombing Case, Chapter 8: Conclusion:
The disclosure of hundreds of OKBOMB documents one week before the scheduled execution of McVeigh raised questions as to whether the FBI had intentionally failed to disclose the documents and how the belated disclosures could have occurred. Because of the importance of these issues, the OIG expended significant resources to investigate the circumstances surrounding the belated production of documents. These issues have critical implications not only for the Oklahoma City bombing case, but also for how the FBI handles documents in its other investigations.
Based on our investigation, we concluded that the FBI had not intentionally withheld discoverable documents. Rather, the evidence showed that the FBI’s failure to disclose these documents resulted primarily from individual errors in document handling, failures to follow FBI policies, failures to fully comply with directives from the OKBOMB Task Force, and cumbersome and complex document handling procedures. The failures were widespread and not confined to one office or a few individuals. Nor was the fault confined to either the FBI field offices or the Task Force; both share responsibility for the problems.
We are most critical of the way certain senior FBI managers responded when they became aware of the belated documents problem. In January 2001, the belated documents were initially identified as a potential problem by two conscientious employees in the FBI’s Oklahoma City field office. Yet, the managers to whom they reported the problem failed to address the issue in a timely way, or notify FBI Headquarters or the prosecutors in the case until the beginning of May, one week before McVeigh’s scheduled execution. We believe these delays were a significant neglect of their duties. We therefore recommend that the FBI consider disciplinary action for these managers’ failure to resolve and disclose the problem in a timely way.
They sat on it. And when it began to leak out, they tried harder to sit on it, then, when it could no longer be contained, FBI leadership played the blame game.
Was McVeigh guilty? I think he was. Did he and Nichols act alone? Definitely not, and that is what the government is trying to cover up.
The criminal conspiracy (oops -- there's the "c-word") loops in both Hussein's regime in Iraq, a secular Arab government, and Al Qaeda, who long ago made takfir out of anyone like Saddam Hussein.
Who else is involved?
From Former FBI Translator Sibel Edmonds Calls Current 9/11 Investigation Inadequate by Jim Hogue, May 07, 2004:
JH: Here's a question that you might be able to answer: What is al-Qaeda?
SE: This is a very interesting and complex question. When you think of al-Qaeda, you are not thinking of al-Qaeda in terms of one particular country, or one particular organization. You are looking at this massive movement that stretches to tens and tens of countries. And it involves a lot of sub-organizations and sub-sub-organizations and branches and it's extremely complicated. So to just narrow it down and say al-Qaeda and the Saudis, or to say it's what they had at the camp in Afghanistan, is extremely misleading. And we don't hear the extent of the penetration that this organization and the sub-organizations have throughout the world, throughout their networks and throughout their various activities. It's extremely sophisticated. And then you involve a significant amount of money into this equation. Then things start getting a lot of overlap -- money laundering, and drugs and terrorist activities and their support networks converging in several points. That's what I'm trying to convey without being too specific. And this money travels. And you start trying to go to the root of it and it's getting into somebody's political campaign, and somebody's lobbying. And people don't want to be traced back to this money.
"And you start trying to go to the root of it and it's getting into somebody's political campaign, and somebody's lobbying. And people don't want to be traced back to this money."
Is it not interesting that Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, whose report has been featured in this series, is one of the politicians who have been "traced back to this money" (see The Heroin Lobby, Part 6)?
In fact, as Aurora commented on that post, "Whoever played a role in this, I hope they are fully exposed."
As I said to Aurora, "Stick around."